The Mauritius miracle: What can the United States learn from this tiny island nation? - By Joseph E. Stiglitz - Slate Magazine

Mauritius. Click image to expand.

Suppose someone were to describe to you a small country that provided free education through university for all of its citizens, transportation for school children, and free health care—including heart surgery—for all. You might suspect that such a country is either phenomenally rich or on the fast track to fiscal crisis.

After all, rich countries in Europe have increasingly found that they cannot pay for university education and are asking young people and their families to bear the costs. For its part, the United States has never attempted to give free college for all, and it took a bitter battle just to ensure that America's poor get access to health care—a guarantee that the Republican Party is now working hard to repeal, claiming that the country cannot afford it.

But Mauritius, a tropical island nation of 1.3 million people off the east coast of Africa, is neither particularly rich nor on its way to budgetary ruin. Nonetheless, it has spent the last decades successfully building a diverse economy, a democratic political system, and a strong social safety net. Many countries, not least the United States, could learn from its experience.

In a recent visit I had a chance to see some of the leaps Mauritius has taken—accomplishments that can seem bewildering in light of the debate in the United States and elsewhere. Consider home ownership: While American conservatives say that the government's attempt to extend home ownership to 70 percent of the U.S. population was responsible for the financial meltdown, 87 percent of Mauritians own their own homes—without fueling a housing bubble.

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Now comes the painful number: Mauritius's GDP has grown faster than 5 percent annually for almost 30 years. Surely, you think, this must be some "trick." Mauritius must be rich in diamonds, oil, or some other valuable commodity. But Mauritius has no exploitable natural resources. Indeed, so dismal were its prospects as it approached independence from Britain, which came in 1968, that the Nobel Prize-winning economist James Meade wrote in 1961: "It is going to be a great achievement if [the country] can find productive employment for its population without a serious reduction in the existing standard of living. … [T]he outlook for peaceful development is weak."

As if to prove Meade wrong, the Mauritians have increased per capita income from less than $400 around the time of independence to more than $6,700 today. The country has progressed from the sugar-based monoculture of 50 years ago to a diversified economy that includes tourism, finance, textiles, and, if current plans bear fruit, advanced technology.

During my visit, my interest was to understand better what had led to what some have called the Mauritius miracle and what others might learn from it. There are, in fact, many lessons, some of which should be borne in mind by American and European politicians as they fight their budget battles.

First, the question is not whether we can afford to provide health care or education for all or ensure widespread homeownership. If Mauritius can afford these things, America and Europe—which are several orders of magnitude richer—can, too. The question, rather, is how to organize society. Mauritians have chosen a path that leads to higher levels of social cohesion, welfare, and economic growth—and to a lower level of inequality.

Second, unlike many other small countries, Mauritius has decided that most military spending is a waste. The United States need not go as far. If the United States reduced by just a fraction its defense spending, much of which goes toward weapons that don't work against enemies that don't exist, it would go a long way toward creating a more humane society, including the provision of health care and education to those who cannot afford them.

Third, Mauritius recognized that without natural resources, its people were its only asset. Maybe that appreciation for its human resources is also what led Mauritius to realize that, particularly given the country's potential religious, ethnic, and political differences—which some tried to exploit in order to induce it to remain a British colony—education for all was crucial to social unity. So was a strong commitment to democratic institutions and cooperation between workers, government, and employers—precisely the opposite of the kind of dissension and division being engendered by conservatives in the United States today.

This is not to say that Mauritius is without problems. Like many other successful emerging-market countries, Mauritius is confronting a loss of exchange-rate competitiveness. And as more and more countries intervene to weaken their exchange rates in response to America's attempt at competitive devaluation through quantitative easing, the problem is becoming worse. Almost surely, Mauritius, too, will have to intervene.

Moreover, like many other countries around the world, Mauritius worries today about imported food and energy inflation. To respond to inflation by increasing interest rates would simply compound the difficulties of high prices with high unemployment and an even less competitive exchange rate. Direct interventions, restrictions on short-term capital inflows, capital-gains taxes, and stabilizing prudential banking regulations will all have to be considered.

The "Mauritius miracle" dates to independence. But the country still struggles with some of its colonial legacies: inequality in land and wealth, as well as vulnerability to high-stakes global politics. The United States occupies one of Mauritius's offshore islands, Diego Garcia, as a naval base without compensation, officially leasing it from the United Kingdom, which not only retained the Chagos Islands in violation of international law but expelled its citizens and refuses to allow them to return.

The United States should now do right by this peaceful and democratic country: recognize Mauritius' rightful ownership of Diego Garcia, renegotiate the lease, and redeem past sins by paying a fair amount for land that it has illegally occupied for decades.

This article comes from Project Syndicate.

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Joseph E. Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics, is University Professor at Columbia University. The paperback version of his latest book, Freefall: Free Markets and the Sinking of the Global Economy, with a new afterword, was published in October.
Photograph of Mauritius by David Cannon/Getty Images.

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SF Chinatown building art..

Stockton and pacific st..

Photo

Sent from my iPhone

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Smiling Moon in Mauritius - Le Sourire dans la Lune

Yesterday night, there was this perfect view of the newborn moon with Venus and Jupiter on its side giving the impression of a smile/dimple. It could be viewed from anywhere in Mauritius without any equipments. Its supposed to be rare and next time this will occur is in 44 years.

I took a picture, but its hard to appreciate in the picture as it was in real.

I copied and pasted an article from the local newspaper about the phenomenon.


Le sourire de la Lune…

Les Mauriciens qui avaient "la tête dans les étoiles" hier soir, ont été témoins, jusqu'à tard dans la nuit, d'un phénomène rare dans le ciel de ce début décembre : la Lune en croissant semblait sourire alors que deux étoiles, l'une de chaque côté, faisaient office de yeux dans ce lumineux visage.

En fait, il s'agissait de Venus et de Jupiter qui s'étaient donné rendez-vous avec notre satellite pour une merveilleuse rencontre. Comme quoi la Lune n'a pas rendez-vous qu'avec le Soleil, comme le chantait Trénet.

Avec la Lune au centre et d'un côté Jupiter et de l'autre, Venus, les trois astres pouvaient en effet laissaient croire qu'ils étaient tous alignés, " alors qu'en réalité ", explique Bhasker Desai, trésorier de la Mauritius Astronomical Society, " c'est le positionnement de la Terre et par conséquent l'effet de vision en deux dimensions qui nous donne cette impression que La lune et ces deux planètes sont alignées l'une à côté de l'autre ". On parle en effet de conjonction lorsque, vus de la Terre, deux planètes ou une planète et un autre astre (la Lune, par exemple), semblent très proches l'un de l'autre aux yeux du commun des observateurs terrestres. Bhasker Desai estime qu'il s'agit d'une coïncidence tout à fait inhabituelle. " C'est un phénomène rare ", dit-il.

En fait il s'agissait d'un phénomène d'éclipse de Vénus par la Lune qui a débuté un peu avant le coucher du soleil. Quand le Soleil s'est glissé sur l'horizon ouest, le point brillant de Vénus a disparu derrière la Lune. Il était alors environ 18h30. Vénus est ensuite réapparue, en haut et à gauche du croissant lunaire, à partir de 19 h 15. Pour couronner le tout, Jupiter était aussi de la partie pour former un triangle céleste de toute beauté. Ce spectacle était visible dans le monde entier, même au cœur des villes les plus éclairées. De plus, les conditions météorologiques étaient idéales, hier, pour que le phénomène soit observable à l'œil nu.

Après le Soleil, la Lune et la planète Vénus sont les astres les plus brillants du ciel. De ces trois corps célestes, la Lune est le plus brillant et le plus petit. Elle se trouve à 405 550 kilomètres de la Terre, Vénus à 151 millions de kilomètres et Jupiter à 869 millions de kilomètres. Les trois corps célestes se retrouvent régulièrement mais ils sont souvent trop proches du Soleil et donc pas visibles.

La prochaine "rencontre" entre Vénus, Jupiter et la Lune devrait intervenir dans un peu moins de 44 ans, le 18 novembre 2052, selon les prévisions de Jack Horkheimer, directeur du Miami Space Transit Planetarium.

Moon

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Mauritius : Beyond beaches and palm trees... [The Economist Article]

I got this forward from a friend from an article in the recent issue of the Economist about Mauritius. Thought I'd share it back on posterous.

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Mauritius : Beyond beaches and palm trees
Oct 16th 2008 | PORT LOUIS
From The Economist print edition
An isolated island continues to reinvent itself and confound the sceptics
THE 1.3m people of Mauritius love to prove famous people wrong. On independence from Britain in 1968, pundits such as a Nobel prize-winning economist, James Meade, and a novelist, V.S. Naipaul, did not give much of a chance to this tiny, isolated Indian Ocean island 1,800km (1,100 miles) off the coast of east Africa. Its people depended on a sugar economy and enjoyed a GDP per person of only $200. Yet the island now boasts a GDP per person of $7,000, and very few of its people live in absolute poverty. It once again ranks first in the latest annual Mo Ibrahim index, which measures governance in Africa. And it bagged 24th spot in the World Bank's global ranking for ease of doing business—the only African country in the top 30, ahead of countries such as Germany and France. How does it pull it off?
The country has come a long way from relying exclusively on sugar cane. It has become a popular destination for tourists craving sun, palm trees and good service, with more than 100 hotels, up from a single decent one at independence. Since then it has built a textile industry on the back of preferential market access. Although there were plenty of sceptics when it tried to become an offshore financial centre, the island now hosts 19 banks, including foreign heavyweights such as HSBC; and the introduction of Islamic banking has brought petro-dollars from the Gulf. Thanks to some helpful double-taxation treaties, Mauritius became a low-tax gateway for investment into other countries, especially India.
That rosy outlook might have darkened in 2005 with the end of the Multi-Fibre Arrangement that had restricted Chinese textile exports. As Mauritian factories closed, about 30,000 jobs were lost. Europe also started dismantling the sugar preferences it granted to its former colonies, which used to guarantee above-market prices. Local farmers were squeezed.
Instead of moaning, Mauritius's government moved swiftly to embrace global competition. It simplified and cut taxes, slashed red tape and lowered or dropped tariffs. The government tightened its purse-strings. Last month it brought in a new labour law, making it easier to hire and fire. The authorities and the private sector, working hand-in-hand for years, promote Mauritius as a business destination.
This has paid off. Unemployment is down, from 9.6% in 2005 to 7.6%. So is the budget deficit. Raju Jadoo, the dynamic head of the Board of Investment, says that more foreign money has been invested in Mauritius in the past three years than in the previous two decades. Long a gateway for investment into Asia, Mauritius now promotes itself as a stable jumping-board for investment into Africa. The government has persuaded China to select Mauritius as one of the five African destinations—and the only one with no oil or minerals on offer—where special investment zones will be set up. The Chinese will spend about $700m to build offices and factories north of the capital, Port Louis, for their companies keen to export to Africa.
Not everything is positive. Mauritius imports most of its food and energy, so rising world prices are pushing up inflation. Much of the economy remains concentrated in the hands of a few local conglomerates, often owned by descendants of French settlers who made their original fortunes out of sugar. The government has promised to spread the benefits of a growing economy more widely, but the so-called "sugar barons" still wield much influence. The imminent creation of a competition commission, together with the development of new industries, may help loosen their grip.
A recession in rich countries will hit the country's tourism and exports. But Mauritius has weathered previous storms. Its prime minister, Navinchandra Ramgoolam, says its success has depended on regular changes of government at the ballot box. An independent judiciary helps, as does the fact that the three main parties all agree on the broad direction of policy.
The island's people are a mix of Indian, European, African and Chinese. Religious, ethnic and cultural differences run deep. But Mr Ramgoolam says the island has avoided the "poison of communal divisions". The fact that Mauritians were all immigrants also helps; some were colonials, many were indentured labourers. "All of us came on different ships from different continents," says the prime minister. "Now we're all on the same boat."

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